When unions mattered, prosperity was shared

On Saturday, for the first time in at least a decade the Columbia Tribune published a sympathetic column about labor!   Wow!  Here's the weird part: You see the original headline published in the Washington Post (the author's home newspaper)  above. If you go to the Washingon Post page that lists his columns, you click on "Why Labor Matters" to read it.   So why did the Tribune change the headline to "Big Labor's death should be mourned?"  

Who said labor is dead?  Certainly not the author.  And not the 12.3 percent of Americans who belong to unions (Managers and confidential employees aren't eligible to join a union, so why don't we ever see the percentage of ELIGIBLE workers who belong to unions?).  And how about the 60 million workers who would join a union if they could (http://www.aflcio.org/joinaunion/voiceatwork/efca/57million.cfm)?  Nope, none of those.  Just the Tribune headline writer, perhaps anticipating what boss Hank Waters wants the headline to say?  

E.J. Dionne Jr

Watching the great civil rights march on television in August 1963, I couldn't help but notice thathundreds of people carried signs with a strange legend at the top: "UAW Says." UAW was saying "Segregation Disunites the United States," and many other things insisting on equality.

This "UAW" was a very odd word to my 11-year-old self, and I asked my dad who or what "U-awe," as I pronounced it, was. The letters, he explained, stood for United Auto Workers.
Remembering that moment is bittersweet on a Labor Day when so many Americans are unemployed, wages are stagnant or dropping, and the labor movement itself is in stark decline.It was some years later when I learned about the heroic battles of the UAW, not only on behalf of those who worked in the great car plants but also for social and racial justice across our society.Walter Reuther, the gallant and resolutely practical egalitarian who led the union for many years, was one of Martin Luther King Jr.'s close allies.

Only 12.3 percent of American wage and salary workers belong to unions, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, down from a peak of about one-third of the work force in 1955. A movement historically associated with the brawny workers in auto, steel, rubber, construction, rail and the ports now represents more employees in the public sector (7.9 million) than in the private sector (7.4 million). Even worse than the falling membership numbers is the extent to which the ethos animating organized labor is increasingly foreign to American culture. The union movement has always been attached to a set of values -- solidarity being the most important, the sense that each should look out for the interests of all. This promoted other commitments: to mutual assistance, to a rough-and-ready sense of equality, to a disdain for elitism, to a belief that democracy and individual rights did not stop at the plant gate or the office reception room.

You might accuse me of being a union romantic, and in some ways I am, having grown up in a union town, loved the great union songs, and imbibed such novels about labor's struggles as John Steinbeck's fine and underrated "In Dubious Battle." So, for the record, I am fully aware of the union movement's failures. I recognize that certain unions became corrupt and that others were decidedly undemocratic, that some union contracts proved excessive, and that "solidarity" could turn into intimidation.
Yet these problems get more than ample attention, while labor's achievements go largely unmentioned. The hugely constructive contributions of Reuther (or Sidney Hillman orEugene V. Debs) are barely noted in standard renditions of U.S. history. Few Americans under 35 have much direct experience with unions. When the word "union" appears in the media these days, it is typically invoked in stories about teachers resisting school reform or the pension costs burdening local governments.
All but forgotten is the fact that our nation's extraordinary prosperity from the end of World War II to the 1970s was in significant part the result of union contracts that, in words the right wing hated Barack Obama for saying in 2008, "spread the wealth around." A broad middle class with spending power to keep the economy moving created a virtuous cycle of low joblessness and high wages.

Between 1966 and 1970, as Gerald Seib pointed out last week in the Wall Street Journal, the United States enjoyed an astonishing 48 straight months in which the unemployment rate was at or below 4 percent. No, the unions didn't do all this by themselves. But they were important co-authors of a social contract that made our country fairer, richer and more productive.

There are many complicated reasons why these arrangements broke down, but I do not see things getting substantially better unless we find ways of increasing the bargaining power of wage-earners -- precisely what Reuther and his fellowship dedicated their lives to doing.

Beth Shulman, a writer, lawyer and union leader who died of cancer this year at the age of 60, called our indifference to those who labor for low wages "The Betrayal of Work," the title of her classic 2003 social portrait of our time. Whatever else they achieve, the unions remind us of the dignity of all who toil, whatever their social position, color or educational attainments. We should miss labor's influence more than we do.

Despite New Hailed Organizing Rules, Airline Workers Still Face Tilted Playing Field

We've been following the organizing attempts of workers at Northwest Airlines, including those at Columbia Regional Airport.  In fact, we praised the new Obama majority on the NLRB for creating a fair system of voting for airline and railroad workers.  The article below is proof that the need for labor reform is far from over.   It's a crime that the congressional Democratic majorities and President Obama didn't pass meaningful labor law reform when they could.  With the Republicans poised to take control of the House in the November election, it's probable that another historic opportunity to strengthen the middle class by protecting workers who try to organize is dead until the next "change election."    Labor may need to make some big changes in how we do politics.

Working In These Times, September 9, 2010

by Mike Elk

US Airways is determined not to see its Piedmont workers unionized. All of US Airways gate and ramp employees are currently unionized, with baggage handlers making $20 an hour. But baggage handlers at nonunionized work subsidiaries of US Airways Express, like Piedmont, make half of that.Last May, the National Mediation Board (NMB), which governs labor relations in the airline and rail industries, approved a rule making it easier for unions to organize. Under the older rules, as we highlighted in May, "If a worker didn't vote in a union election, that person's "vote" was counted against the prospective union."

Last year, when the Communication Workers of America (CWA) tried to organize the 3,000 gate and ramp workers of Piedmont Airlines, a subsidiary of US Airways' US Airways Express, workers faced exactly this problem. Not a single worker voted against the union, but the union still lost the election by 58 votes because only 49% of the total workers voted. Piedmont further stacked the deck against the union by adding to the potential voters list workers who could not vote because they were dead, didn't work at Piedont anymore, or were serving overseas in the armed forces.

When the NMB decision came down, changing the rules so that only workers who voted counted as a majority, it was hailed as a great victory for organized labor. "The new rules will help level the playing field for working people in the airline and rail industries," AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said.

CWA is now attempting to organize Piedmont under the new NMB election rule, which took effect July 1. But the rule appears to have done little to actually level the playing field for these workers.

With Piedmont unorganized, US Airways is able to shift its passengers and flights to one of its nonunion subsidiaries, undermining and decreasing the need for the company's unionized gate and ramp workers.

To avoid further unionization, US Airways has hired the notorious unionbusting firm Labor Relations Institute, Inc. (LRI). LRI is such an effective firm that it guarantees "a defeat of a union-organizing drive or your money back," as the AFL-CIO reported on its blog.

True to its word, LRI has quickly engaged in a scorched-earth campaign of intimidation and manipulation at Piedmont Airlines, according to CWA organizers. Workers are being forced into one-on-one intimidation meetings with their direct supervisors, where they are being told that voting for their union might mean layoffs, pay or healthcare decreases. Workers are also being illegaly threatened with the possibility of firings or suspension if they are seen publicly supporting the union, organizers say. One worker, a member of the union organizing campaign, was already suspended from his job for engaging in union organizing activity.

CWA organizer Tim Dubnau says that while the new NMB rules theoretically make it easier to organize, it is still very diffcult to organize Piedmont workers with US Airways's unionbusting activities going virtually unpunished.

Progressives spoke of the NMB decisions as a sign that President Obama was on their side and taking small steps to eliminate the problem of union busting. However, as long as the penalty for unionbusting in this country is that a company needs to post a piece of paper claiming they engaged in union busting, there will never be a level playing field for free and fair elections. As a union ogranizer once said to me, "If the penalty for robbing a bank was you had to post a piece of paper saying you robbed a bank, we’d all be bank robbers!”

Until Obama punishes unionbusters by doing things like barring companies that union bust from receiving federal contracts, workers will continue to be robbed of their right to a free and fair union election. Small steps like this NMB decision simply won't actually level the playing field.

Holiday reflects sacrifice, Labor Day not just work break.

For the first time in recent memory, the Columbia Tribune acknowledged Labor Day with an article.   Our thanks to Janese Silvey for writing an interesting and fair piece.   If you want to read the comments of Trib readers (or add your comment), use the link above.

The fact that current college students don't even know what Labor Day is or why they have the day off is depressing.  It also isn't very surprising.   When my son had American History a couple of years ago, I checked his textbook.  There were a couple of brief bits about labor unions, but nothing that would give students an understanding of the impact that working people have had on the history of our country.   What is the answer?  Many things, including providing future history teachers with a basic understanding of labor history.  There is one thing labor union members can do now - talk to our kids about the impact that our union has had on your family and on the history of our democracy.  Just do it!

By JANESE SILVEY

Sunday, September 5, 2010

Matt Evans hesitated.

“Something to do with war?” he guessed when a reporter asked him why he doesn’t have classes tomorrow.

The University of Missouri sophomore shouldn’t feel too bad, though; a dozen or so college students quizzed by the Tribune had no idea what Labor Day means.

And, actually, Evans wasn’t far off base: The fight for worker rights might not have happened on a battlefield but plenty died in the struggle for shorter work days and better working conditions.

“Forty hour work weeks, eight hour work days, weekends — all of the things we take for granted, people don’t realize the struggles that our forefathers had to go through to give us the rights we have now,” said Rus Unger, president of the Mid-Mo Labor Club and a member of Sheet Metal Workers Local 36. “We take it all for granted now and don’t realize that people had to fight for that. Many died for what we’ve got now.”

A quick history: The first Labor Day celebration in the United States was held in New York in 1882 as a parade to recognize the working class. Congress designated Labor Day an official U.S. holiday in 1894. Most industrialized countries celebrate it in May, but Americans opted for a later date to avoid confusion with a similar socialist holiday.

Designating Labor Day at the end of summer, though, likely has contributed to its lost meaning. For most, the three-day weekend is a chance to bid summer farewell by barbecuing and tucking away white shoes. For instance, Burtaina Marcelin, a junior at MU, plans to spend the day at the pool before temperatures start to drop. Jessica Coad, a freshman, will barbecue with relatives on the holiday that means, to her, “a day I don’t have classes.”

Those still fighting for the rights of workers will have other things on their minds as they remember Labor Day’s roots tomorrow.
Unger is worried about jobs being shipped overseas and the 9.6 percent of Americans who are unemployed.

“In a global economy, they don’t need you and me,” he said. “In a global economy, corporations don’t need us, they don’t need workers. Of course the downfall is the economy suffers, local communities suffer and people don’t make as much.”

Sam White, a labor education specialist at MU Extension, fears the country is taking steps backwards when it comes to labor rights. Today, he said, many employees are working more hours than in recent years and are working harder as they pick up the slack left by layoffs during the recession. Pensions are under siege, he said, and work life has become as stressful as ever.

“With all of the changes in work organizations, workers are much more productive today in this country than they’ve ever been,” he said. “They’re working more hours because companies aren’t hiring more workers.”

Unger doesn’t expect those with tomorrow off work to not enjoy themselves, he just wants people to stop a minute and consider the meaning.

“Remember why you got the day off,” he said. “Remember there were people who fought for your rights years ago who fought for rights we have today, and one of those rights is to have a day off.”

Reach Janese Silvey at 573-815-1705 or e-mail jsilvey@columbiatribune.com.

Happy Labor Day!

Got plans this Labor Day weekend? With all that’s going on in our lives, it’s easy to forget that honoring America’s workers is what Labor Day is all about. Here are some ideas on how you can celebrate Labor Day:     Watch the AFL-CIO national TV ad during Major League Baseball games Sunday and Monday, the Sunday NASCAR race and college football on Monday night. The ad will remind television viewers and radio listeners that it’s working people working together who will move our country forward.   http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=etbddRNk6_Q      Tune in to the Sportsman Channel. In partnership with the Union Sportsmen’s Alliance (USA), Sportsman Channel will pay tribute to America’s workers with a continual run of public service announcements over Labor Day weekend featuring Richard Trumka, AFL-CIO president and USA chairman.     Find out which employers are treating their workers well—and what’s going on nationwide and around the world when it comes to workers’ basic freedoms.     Take the next step and become a mobile activist. Get action alerts as part of the AFL-CIO Good Jobs Now team by texting JOBS to 225568. As AFL-CIO President Trumka says: “Working people working together have always moved our country forward and that’s how we’ll do it again.” As we celebrate this Labor Day, let’s remember America’s workers built our nation—and America’s workers are what make America strong. Happy Labor Day from the AFL-CIO!

No Holiday for Labor Unions

Katrina vanden Heuvel

Washington Post

Labor Day this year comes draped in mourning. More than half of all workers have experienced a spell of unemployment, taken a cut in pay or hours, been forced to go part-time or seen other such problems during and after the Great Recession. Collapsing stock and house prices have destroyed a fifth of the wealth of the average household. Nearly six in ten Americans have canceled or cut back on holidays. Amidst all this, workers increasingly don't even have labor unions as a potential answer to their insecurities -- despite the fact that, of all the institutions in America, they more often than not got it right on the big issues facing the country, generally in the face of a bipartisan political and elite consensus.

Unions are in trouble. They represent less than 13 percent of the workforce and less than 8 percent of private workers. Union workers still receive higher wages and are more likely to have employer-provided health insurance, pensions and paid sick leave than non-union workers. But when unions represented over 33 percent of all private workers in the 1940s, they drove wage increases for everyone -- no-union firms had to compete for good workers. Now, unions struggle just to defend their members' wages and benefits. Over the past decade before the Great Recession, productivity soared, profits rose and CEO pay skyrocketed, but most workers lost ground.

Indeed, if we had listened to unions more often in the past, America wouldn't be in the predicament it's in now. For years, labor warned about the dangers of growing trade deficits, the folly of letting Japan and China and others play by a different set of rules. But a bipartisan consensus forged by Wall Street and embraced by both Presidents Bush and President Clinton championed corporate-defined free-trade accords.Unions face constant attacks from corporations and conservatives. The most recent campaign -- designed as always to divide workers from one another -- assails the pay and particularly the pensions of public employees. Why should they have pensions, when many workers have lost theirs and get, at best, a retirement savings plan at work? In fact, in a civilized society, we would ask the reverse question. How do we create pensions -- beyond Social Security -- for workers across the economy, leveling up, rather than down?
The results are calamitous. U.S. trade losses totaled $5.8 trillion over the past decade alone. The U.S. manufacturing sector lost nearly one in three jobs. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke notes that the global trade imbalances helped create the bubble and bust that drove the global economy off the cliff. Now growing imbalances impede recovery from the Great Recession. Last quarter's disappointing 1.6 percent growth would have been a robust 5 percent except for the increase in the trade deficit. Now even Intel's Andy Grove and GE's Jeff Immelt agree that we've been feckless in shipping manufacturing jobs and production capacities abroad.
On corporate governance, a bipartisan consensus preached the cult of the CEO, championing "linking pay to performance" with stock options. Labor unions were scorned as impediments to "flexible labor markets." Union leaders argued strongly that corporations should be responsible to more than the next quarter's financial statement. They pushed unsuccessfully for stakeholders, including labor and the community, to have a greater say on corporate practices. The result: CEOs launched a crime wave. Enron, WorldCom, Global Crossing, Adelphi. Hundreds of corporations "restated" earnings reports once the CEOs were made personally responsible. Dozens of executives were caught backdating stock options. Big banks made bigger and bigger bets, with taxpayers covering the losses. Executives were given multimillion-dollar personal incentives to cook the books; it isn't surprising so many found creative ways to do so.
On government regulation, labor fought a pitched battle against privatization and deregulation that Reagan conservatives and New Democrats made fashionable. Now in one area after another, privatization has been revealed as a source of waste, fraud and abuse -- from Halliburton to Blackwater. Deregulation contributed directly to the corporate and financial debauch that brought the economy down, with the human costs apparent from the Gulf of Mexico to Appalachia to the eggs we eat.
Last Saturday in Washington, Glenn Beck tried to lay claimto the civil rights movement. That same day in Detroit, we saw the real thing: The UAW, SEIU and AFSCME joining with the Rainbow PUSH Coalition, the NAACP, the Urban League, ministers and civil rights activists to march for jobs and justice. Union support was vital to the Rev. Martin Luther King's march on Washington 47 years ago. And union support is vital to civil rights movements -- from immigration reform to equal pay for women to the fight for jobs -- today.
For all of their flaws, unions give voice to workers, and not just their members. Their "small d" democratic strength is a vital counter to the special-interest big money that has so distorted our politics. And their revival is central to building a new foundation for this economy, one that will ensure that it works once more for working people.
Katrina vanden Heuvel is editor and publisher of the Nationand writes a weekly column for The Post.