Your Vote on April 5th is Important

To MMLC members,

For those that live in the Columbia School District the Executive Board interviewed the candidates for the Columbia Public School Board.  In the Columbia Public School Board race we endorsed Jonathan Sessions and Helen Wade.  These candidates expressed their support for workers rights, the right to collectively bargain and enforcing the prevailing wage laws.

As we have seen in Wisconsin, Ohio and many other states politicians are trying to take away the rights of working people, especially from our brothers and sisters in the public sector. That is why  it is important to elect candidates that will support our issues at all levels of government.

Remember to vote Tuesday April 5.

Russ

Sorting the winners from the losers in Wisconsin union battle.

 St. Louis Post-Dispatch Editorial Board, March 11,011

Wisconsin’s Republicans have succeeded in stripping state employees of collective bargaining rights and imposing other stringent requirements on public employee unions. So what’s next?
Was this Pearl Harbor for America’s beleaguered labor movement, a sneak attack that will energize the working class? Or was Wisconsin the right-wing juggernaut’s version of Poland, the first victim of blitzkrieg?
Using a deft (albeit possibly illegal) maneuver last week, Wisconsin’s Senate Republicans passed GOP Gov. Scott Walker’s anti-union bill, dropping any pretense that it was a deficit-reducing effort.
Senate Democrats, who, in a deft political maneuver of their own, had fled the state three weeks ago to block passage of the bill, were left with a longshot legal challenge to the GOP maneuver as a violation of the state’s open meeting law. Mr. Walker appears to have his victory. His challenge will be to keep it from turning Pyrrhic.
Richard Trumka, president of the national AFL-CIO, chortled last week that the union organization should give Mr. Walker its “Mobilizer of the Year” award. The Wisconsin showdown has energized labor unions, both in the public and private sectors, Mr. Trumka said.
The month-long battle over Mr. Walker’s bill, featuring daily rallies at the capitol by union workers and sympathizers, has focused public attention on efforts by conservative political groups to undermine the economic condition of the middle class, Mr. Trumka told people assembled at a jobs rally in Washington, D.C., on Thursday.
“This is a debate we’ve wanted to have for 20 to 25 years,” he said. “Well, guess what? Suddenly the debate came to us.”
Polls taken during the Wisconsin debate have shown strong support, even among independent voters, for collective bargaining rights — even for public-sector unions. The polls show strong opposition to cutting public employees’ pay to balance budgets.
But the labor movement, particularly the AFL-CIO unions, no longer is the potent force it once was. Unions will have to remember how to hustle if they are to press whatever advantage Mr. Walker has given them.
And then there’s this: The Wisconsin bill eliminates two key labor weapons: automatic dues checkoff and automatic union recertification. If that pattern spreads, labor will be fighting with its hands tied behind its back.
Meanwhile, the anti-labor movement has huge war chests, swelled since last year’s U.S. Supreme Court decision that allows corporations to contribute unlimited amounts, often anonymously, to independent political groups. But they’re only acting in workers’ interests, you understand.
Grover Norquist, the founder of American Taxpayers for Reform, told the National Journal that Wisconsin union members are going to like not handing over to “union bosses” the $500 each year that they’ll save in union dues.
Perhaps. But nationwide, union members make an average of $200 more a week than non-union members, so union dues are a bargain.
As to union bosses, it’s true that Mr. Trumka made $238,975 in 2009 roughly four times what the average union member made. But the average Fortune 500 CEO made 344 times what his average worker earned. By that standard, union bosses are pikers.
Unions helped create America’s middle class. Their decline over the last three decades precisely parallels the huge decline in the percentage of financial wealth held by the middle class. Redressing that is going to require a very long war. Wisconsin was only the first battle.

Could Wisconsin happen here?

Bottom line - All Missouri workers have the constitutional right to "bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing." Brother Soutier says below that "public employees don't have the power to collectively bargain."  Although he seems to miss the fact that the constitutional right to bargain has applied to public employees since 2007, he is right that it takes power to get a public employer to bargain in good faith.  That is the struggle going on in Missouri now.  It isn't as public or dramatic as Wisconsin, but it is just as important.

by Jo Mannies, St. Louis BeaconIn Wisconsin, the governor and public employees are in a bitter standoff while Democratic state senators are holed up in Illinois and Republican state legislators cheer the governor on. The fight centers on the collective-bargaining rights allowed under the state and Wisconsin's major role in providing pensions and public-employee benefits.

Since protests began in Wisconsin, trouble has also started brewing in Indiana and Ohio. Could it also erupt in Missouri and Illinois?

Photo by vaxomatic | Flickr

Demonstrators at the Wisconsin capitol.

It depends.

The situation in Missouri is much different than Wisconsin's. From a practical standpoint, Missouri does not allow collective-bargaining for public employees like teachers and firefighters. Another difference: Teachers, firefighters and police in Missouri have separate pension agreements with school districts and local governments that don't count on any financial contributions from the state government.

The other big difference between Missouri and Wisconsin? Missouri has a Democratic governor who has no desire to challenge the state's unions because they are likely to be key in Gov. Jay Nixon's quest for re-election in 2012.

As a result, labor and business leaders in Missouri don't see the prospect for the type of unrest that has packed Wisconsin's state Capitol for weeks. The one possible monkey wrench in the works is an escalating fight in Missouri's state Capitol over "right to work."

THE SITUATION IN ILLINOIS

The differences are even more stark in Illinois, where the Democratic governor and Democratic-controlled legislature also have chosen not to target unions or public employees in their budget-cutting talks.

Illinois does allow collective bargaining for public employees, and the state government does kick in some money into the teachers' pension plan. But the state is behind in its allocated payments, which has prompted long-term concerns.

Still, teachers groups there are generally confident they won't won't see Wisconsin-style discord, citing the presence of a Democratic governor, Gov. Pat Quinn (right).

Robert Blade, vice president of the Illinois Education Association/NEA, said that members had been concerned that they would have been targeted if Republican Bill Brady had defeated Quinn last fall.

"Obviously, (what's happening in Wisconsin) is a concern," Blade said. "But we think it's less likely here."

In fact, Illinois has become a temporary safe-haven for Democratic legislators from Wisconsin and Indiana who have left their states to block legislative action on bills deemed anti-union. Illinois was selected because Quinn wasn't going to call out state police to hunt down the fleeing legislators.

Wisconsin and Indiana have Republican governors and Republican majorities in their legislatures. A number of Republican governors around the country are targeting public-employee unions, which are accused of aggravating the states' budget problems. The unions say their existence has little to do with the economic issues facing their states.

The Indiana battle, by the way, also is over a right-to-work measure.

MISSOURI PUBLIC EMPLOYEES LACK RIGHTS OF WISCONSIN'S

Bob Soutier, president of the Greater St. Louis Labor Council, and others agree that Missouri wouldn't have a Wisconsin-style battle because the state currently doesn't offer the broad public employee collective-bargaining rights workers in Wisconsin and some other Midwestern states enjoy.

In 2007, the Missouri Supreme Court ruled that the state constitution -- which grants collective bargaining -- applies to public as well as private employees. That ruling, on paper, offers a general protection for the type of rights now being debated in Wisconsin and several other Midwestern states. But the Missouri General Assembly has yet to approve any sort of procedure for such bargaining.

The result, on a practical level, is that it's up to local governments or school districts to decide whether to engage in any collective bargaining involving public employees, such as teachers or firefighters.

The upshot, says Soutier (right), is that Missouri's public employees in effect "don't have the power to collectively bargain."

Chris Guinther, president of the Missouri National Education Association, said that some school districts -- such as several in the St. Louis area -- do voluntarily conduct talks with teachers groups over wages, benefits and working conditions. Others do not.

Guinther said that the key similarity in Missouri and Wisconsin is that many people "don't understand what collective bargaining does for a state," as far as promoting mutual respect and better working conditions.

Financially, there's also another difference with Wisconsin's public employees.

Missouri teachers and school districts jointly fund -- 50-50 -- the statewide teacher pension system, which does not involve state general-revenue money. So teacher pensions generally haven't been a matter for legislators to deal with.

As of Jan. 1, Missouri state workers have seen a difference in their pension payments and benefits. Last year, Missouri legislators -- at the behest of Nixon -- took action to curb the pensions and hike the contributions for state employees hired as of Jan. 1. Previously, state workers did not contribute to their pension systems.

Dan Mehan, chief executive for the Missouri Chamber of Commerce and Industry, gives lots of credit to Nixon and the General Assembly because they "have balanced the budget without a tax increase."

The result, said Mehan, is that Missouri has no huge deficit crisis like that cited by governors in Wisconsin and some other states.

"You haven't seen the same approach (as in Wisconsin) because we haven't had to do the things some states have had to do," Mehan added.

THE LOOMING DEBATE OVER 'RIGHT TO WORK'

Still, labor-government peace in Missouri is hardly assured. The state General Assembly has a pending battle over right to work, a measure that would bar "closed-union'' shops in the state's private businesses. Now, all workers must pay union dues if a majority approve union representation.

"Right to work is one of those incendiary issues," said Mehan of the Missouri Chamber.

On that point, area union leaders agree. Soutier took note of the packed legislative hearings that already have taken place in Jefferson City when the state Senate's right-to-work proposal has come up.

If Republican legislators continue to press right to work, Soutier said, the political rancor in Missouri could heat up quickly.

Backers of a right-to-work law say it would make Missouri more business-friendly. Unions say it would drive down wages. (Click here and here and here to read some of the Beacon's coverage of the issue.)

Wednesday, Mehan told the Beacon that the Missouri Chamber did not make right to work one of its key objectives this session because some businesses have no objection to current laws. On Thursday, though, the Chamber announced its support for the "right-to-work" legislation. "Our members believe that a right-to-work policy could open the door to businesses moving to Missouri -– as well as help keep vital companies in our state and encourage rehiring and new hiring," said Mehan in a release.

Soutier and other labor activists believe that Nixon would veto any right-to-work bill that gets through the legislature. "Gov. Nixon is strongly behind workers in this state,'' Soutier said.

In addition, while Republicans hold huge majorities in both chambers, it's unclear if the GOP has enough votes to override a veto. Several Republican senators, for example, have declared their opposition to "right to work."

AN UNSTEADY PEACE

Mehan is critical of the Wisconsin Democratic legislators' decisions to flee their state, and of the Wisconsin teachers' activism that temporarily closed schools.

But all sides agree that's also not likely to happen in Missouri. Aside from the lack of collective bargaining rights for teachers, Republicans hold such majorities in Missouri's state House and Senate that they can conduct business without any Democrats present.

A spokeswoman for Missouri Senate President Pro Tem Rob Mayer, R-Dexter (right), said that the state also has tougher rules regarding absent senators. "According to Senate Rule 8, senators absent without excuse may be taken into custody wherever they may be found," she said. "Plus, the absent senator(s) would foot the expense for the effort to find and return them to the Senate."

In any case, Soutier warns that the mood in Missouri can quickly sour if the General Assembly presses ahead with efforts to pass right-to-work legislation.

He noted that Missouri currently is "an 'employment at will' state,'' which allows non-union workers to be fired for any reason.

If some legislators continue to press for "right to work,'' Soutier said, "maybe we'll put something on the ballot to cut the size of the legislature or their pay. Or ask voters, 'Should an employer have to have a reason to fire you?' "

"Workers are under attack everywhere and they are rising up," Soutier said. "They see what is going on."

Contact Beacon political reporter Jo Mannies.

How We Beat ‘Right to Work’

Sam White of the  MU Labor Program presented a fact filled program that gave us Right to Work (for less) talking points last night.  This summary of how we beat FTW(fl) in 1978 is interesting also.

Editor's note: In an astonishing turnaround, a 1978 ballot initiative by the National Right-To-Work Committee to turn Missouri into a right-to-work state was defeated by a 3-2 margin.

Jerry Tucker, then a Washington, D.C., staffer for the United Auto Workers, returned to his home state that August to manage the campaign. It put together the strongest coalition of progressive forces Missouri has ever seen—and dealt Republicans a lasting defeat.

When Missouri Republicans began to agitate for right to work again last year, retiring Republican Senator Kit Bond counseled them against it, saying the 1978 battle was “a disaster” for the GOP.

Workers in 12 new states are threatened by right to work this year. What can we learn from labor’s victory in Missouri last time?

---

Jerry Tucker, March 8, 2011

Missouri in 1978 looked like a good target for the “right-to-work” forces. An industrial union stronghold with many characteristics of a Southern state, a RTW victory there could have a domino effect. Missouri would put organized labor’s unity and power to the test.

Initial polls showed RTW passing by a 2-1 majority, and even union members were 51 percent in favor. State labor officials favored a legal strategy, and had no plan to reach union members—much less the communities beyond labor. We had to turn that around.

The United Labor Committee, a statewide body with representatives from the AFL-CIO, UAW, Teamsters, and Mine Workers, raised $2.5 million to run the campaign against right to work. Twice the committee requested donations from member unions equivalent to 50 cents per member.

Some unions asked locals or internationals to cover the donation. Some, like the UAW, went directly to the membership—which had important benefits. Members were educated about the campaign and gained a personal stake once they reached into their own pockets.

For example, Local 93 in Kansas City produced buttons: “I fought against the RTW.” One person on each line was assigned to sell the buttons and inform people of the dangers of RTW. Some paid a dollar; others gave as much as $100. The women’s committee sponsored a dance to augment the collections.

The campaign was three-pronged: First was voter registration, get out the vote, and rank-and-file action. Second was communication through the media, direct mail, and phonebanking. Last was coalition building.

WHO TO TARGET?

The campaigners estimated that less than half of Missouri’s 500,000 union members were registered to vote. A campaign based on multiple contacts by phone and mail and in person resulted in an estimated 100,000 new union registrants.

The labor committee relied heavily on polling and surveys. We needed to know who to reach and who to leave alone.

Though an early poll showed RTW winning, the same poll showed an even split in attitudes toward the concept of RTW. We knew education about the amendment’s true nature could carry the day.

Speakers bureaus were organized, and anti-RTW speakers appeared in debates, on TV and radio, and before civic, community, and religious groups. The campaign developed talking points, circulated them, and turned rank and filers loose.

Bumper stickers let people know RTW was not what it seemed on its face. The labor committee hired PR professionals, but the main message—“Right to Work Is a Ripoff”—came from a rank and filer.

Different messages were crafted to appeal to different audiences:

Fairness and Democracy. Opposed freeloading and championed majority decision-making in the workplace. Used heavily among farmers, students, and the clergy (as “The Moral Case against RTW”).

We’re All in This Together. Stressed the link between union wages, purchasing power, and the fate of small farmers and small business.

Social Swamp. Pointed to the lower wages, higher poverty, poorer education, and stingier social services in RTW states. Pointed out the threat to pensions.

Social Chaos. Pointed to the uncertainty that would hit Missouri if all union-shop contracts were nullified. Opposing right to work became common sense. Labor didn’t seem self-interested, because people heard arguments in their own language and in line with their own interests. Partly that came about through careful message-crafting, and partly it happened because the campaign was open and freewheeling enough to give activists a sense of shared ownership. We’re all in this together, it said.

The campaign used demographic data developed by a commercial marketing firm, broken down to target households, with labels like “low/middle-income ethnic blue collar.” Combined with poll data, it was possible to identify very small groups of “persuadable” voters. In each cluster, voters were targeted with messages tailored to each demographic group.

Meanwhile, the opposition was also using mail, phonebanks, personal visits, and mass media. The United Labor Committee knew it needed a broad-based coalition. But we only had six weeks before the vote.

MAKING FRIENDS

One important group was Missouri’s family farmers, whom the RTW forces believed they would harvest. But the campaign tied farmers’ pricing power to consumers’ purchasing power and the fact that RTW states all have less per capita income. The same argument worked with a great number of small businesses.

“If farmers are gonna get a price for their product, they can’t rely on the rich,” read a quote in one leaflet mailed to farmers. “There’s no volume there. They’ve got to rely on working people—and that means people with enough money to buy what the farmers want to sell.”

The National Farmers Organization and leaders of the American Agricultural Movement participated in rallies and motorcades against RTW throughout rural Missouri.

Civil rights organizations stepped up, and national leaders such as Coretta Scott King visited Missouri. They emphasized that RTW hurts the underprivileged and minorities first and worst. Dozens of ministers took the message into the black wards of Kansas City and St. Louis.

Women’s groups such as NOW held rallies. Senior citizens were a bedrock, handling the brunt of canvassing on election day. Students, however, seemed to misunderstand the issue and were not successfully recruited.

A majority of the state’s major officeholders from both parties spoke out against RTW and many appeared at campaign functions. Urban Republicans in particular felt the deepening social heat.

Religious opposition to RTW was vital. It gave weight to the moral case—“Democratic decision-making in the workplace is just, and collective bargaining is good for society.” It allowed labor to reach tens of thousands of Missourians through their churches.

Religious opposition drew much attention in the press, helping to create a “good guys” image for unions and the reverse for the right-to-workers. The RTW campaign, with business as its principal backer, began to look sinister.

Not all big business, however, took a pro-RTW stand. Union companies like McDonnell-Douglas, Anheuser-Busch, and the Big 3 automakers all took a highly publicized “bye,” as did many of the largest construction firms and contractors.

The coalition effort helped to gain desperately needed media coverage. Paid media ads couldn’t win the vote, since both sides were spending nearly the same.

MAINSTAY: RANK AND FILERS

Rank-and-file unionists were the mainstay of the campaign. In fact, some couldn’t seem to do enough, and at the outset thought their leaders weren’t doing enough.

While the labor committee was still ramping up, members were acting on their own. They set up meetings, visited the merchants with whom they did business, painted signs on their cars, and worked the polls.

Many traveled from urban areas back to their childhood homes in rural Missouri to urge folks there to vote “no.” On weekends, caravans of urban and suburban workers traveled to meet farmers and small-town shopkeepers to make their case against RTW.

Motorcyclists cruised the highways in bunches, with banners opposing RTW. Truckers used CB radios to maintain a steady stream of anti-RTW conversations on the interstates.

In November the “no” vote took 60 percent. The 1.6 million ballots cast set an off-year election record, with 60 percent of registered voters going to the polls. Right to work galvanized the big vote; Missourians cast 100,000 more ballots on the amendment than they did in statewide candidates’ race.

New member organizing spiked upward for several years afterward.

CMNEA School Board Forum

You are cordially invited to attend

Columbia Missouri National Education Association’s School Board Candidate Forum

Starting at 6:30 p.m., Thursday, March 17, 2011

Taking place in the Columbia Public Schools Board Room

1818 W. Worley

Columbia, MO 65201

Featuring Candidates for the Office of School Board Member for Columbia Public Schools

Helen Wade, Jonathan Sessions, Dave Raithel, Liz Peterson, Tom Rose, Sara R. Dickson

For more information, please contact Michelle Shepard atmshepard@columbia.k12.mo.us.

Jocks 4 Justice: John Carlos, Billy Hunter and Keyon Dooling Stand with Wisconsin Workers

It's good to see Mizzou Tiger and now Milwaukee Buck Keyon Dooling stepping up to support workers in Wisconsin.

By Dave Zirin, Edge of Sports


Unions across the country are standing with the workers of Wisconsin against the unprecedented attacks by Gov. Scott Walker. Count the National Basketball Association's Player's Association among their ranks. The NBA players have been threatened with layoffs, contraction, and steep cuts in pay and benefits in their current collective bargaining negotiations with NBA commissioner David Stern and the assorted team owners. Considering that no one ever bought a ticket to look at Mark Cuban, a Maloof brother or (shudder) Donald Sterling, theirs is a struggle worthy of support. Well solidarity is a two way street and it is a very positive development to have NBAPA Executive Director Billy Hunter  and Milwaukee Buck Keyon Dooling - also an NBAPA VP speak out on behalf of Wisconsin's workers. Thursday's late night vote in the state assembly to strip the public sector employees of their very rights to collectively bargain was, for Hunter and Dooling, a bridge too far. 

     

“Last night’s vote by the Wisconsin Assembly was an attempt to undermine organized labor and the men and women across the country who depend on their unions for a voice in the workplace," said Hunter. "The NBPA proudly supports our brothers and sisters in Wisconsin and their stand for unequivocal collective bargaining rights.”
     

Hunter, who earned his law degree from Berkley while playing in the National Football League, has been part of the struggle for workers rights for many years. Keyon Dooling's voice, as a player in Wisconsin and a leader in the union is perhaps even more welcome.
      

“Wisconsin public-sector workers tirelessly deliver services on a daily basis to millions of Wisconsin residents," said Dooling. "The right of these hard-working men and women to organize and bargain collectively is fundamental.  Wisconsin’s workers deserve better than last night’s vote. Today, our union stands proudly with our fellow union members throughout the state as they continue their fight.”
      

Dooling, its worth noting, has now officially taken a stronger stand than his team's owner, Wisconsin Democratic Senator Herb Kohl. It's a stand, at this critical moment, worth taking and worth defending. The EMTs, teachers, and child care workers or Wisconsin deserve nothing less.

When dealing with periods of profound protest, it always makes sense to get the point of view of those who’ve been there before. I spoke to Dr. John Carlos, the 1968 Olympian who along with Tommie Smith, raised a black gloved fist at the Mexico City Olympics. This is perhaps the most famous image in sports history. It also made Dr. Carlos an avatar of resistance for an era that shook the foundations of this country. John Carlos knows intimately the price that must be paid to speak truth to power. And as you’ll read, he thinks that the actions of the resistance fighters of the Midwest are more than appropriate: they're righteous. Here is what Dr. Carlos said to me:

“I don’t think Governor Walker realizes that workers are the people who built this country and workers are the people who keep the fabric of our communities together. Workers are the people of the grassroots. For him or any political figure to try and cut their wages, take their health care, crush their unions, or subjugate them in any way is just a travesty. And if he really, like I heard on that prank phone call, was thinking of sending disrupters and plants into the protesters, which could have caused people and even children serious harm…. Well that would be simply despicable. I read that the police might be investigating Scott Walker for those statements and I hope that this is in fact the case. I commend what the workers, students and all protesters are doing to stand up for their rights and I am with them 1000%. Every person from the world of sports with a heart or sense of humanity would say the same."